Thursday, February 23, 2012

UP, Bihar MPs submit privilege motion against Bal Thackeray

UP, Bihar MPs submit privilege motion against Bal Thackeray

http://www.ndtv.com/convergence/ndtv/StoryPrint.aspx?ID=NEWEN20080043147&ch=633727682118818750
 
The Members of Parliament from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh have submitted a breach of privilege motion against Shiv Sena supremo Bal Thackeray for making remarks against them.

They now want action taken against him. Even Speaker Somnath Chateerjee has ruled that the remarks were contempt of the House.

This could mean serious trouble for the 82-year-old Sena chief. The Speaker may refer it to the privilege committee or take up the matter in the House.

Thackeray may be asked to depose, he may be reprimanded or worse sent to jail, but that will be a tough task. Maharashtra chief minister is still talking to lawyers, while Shiv Sainiks are still talking hate.

"I think it's a conspiracy against Maharashtra," said Sanjay Raut, leader, Shiv Sena.

In an editorial in party mouthpiece Saamna, Thackeray made reference to the fodder scam and said that poverty and unemployment in these states were creating problems for the whole nation.

He also referred to 'Lalu Prasad-style politicians' and RJD MP Prabhunath Singh who he says, deserves to be in jail.

"They (Bihar MPs) say that Mumbaikars' brains are rotten, they don't have their country's interest in mind, but such a stand by these MPs will trouble their brethren in Mumbai," Thackeray said the article.

"Fodder is also eaten by the politicians there. It's because poverty, unemployment and hunger in that state impacts the whole nation," he remarked.

Legal options

Maharashtra Chief Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh has met Congress chief Sonia Gandhi over the issue and said that his government is seeking legal opinion.

"Even if the editorial has upset a particular community, or created a law and order problem, unless we know what section has been violated, we cannot take any action. That is why we have sought immediate legal opinion and will take all necessary action," Deshmukh said.

Even Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has commented on the issue.

"We request the prime minister to call a meeting where politicians from both the states should meet and sort out the differences," said Nitish Kumar.
 

Role of bal thakrey in babri majisd

COMMUNAL POLITICS CLIMAX AND DOWNFALL 
OCTOBER 1-15, 2005 - BY ASGHAR ALI ENGINEER.
Role of bal thakrey in babri majisd 

Communal politics, being highly emotional, is heady and creates strong illusion of success. Those who indulge in communal politics create emotional hysteria among their followers. However, every observer of such politics knows that such hysteria does not last long and disappears as quickly as it creates such hysteria. It is like strong heady wine. We in India have had many experiences such emotional politics.
The best example is that of partition hysteria. The Muslim League had no concrete programme of action. It had one point programme: creation of Pakistan. The direct action day resulted in massacre of thousands of people. Well, Pakistan did come into existence at the cost of one million lives and it could never become a democracy, let alone a stable democracy. And soon Muslim League disappeared from the scene, a Party which created a country did not survive longer than a decade. Even when it was revived later during Zia-ul-Haq's time it could not capture the imagination of the people. It remained almost a dead horse. It was Pakistan People's Party (PPP) which became very popular in late sixties and early seventies.
Pakistan was also a heady wine for a section of Muslims in pre-independence India. But it did not bring any concrete benefit to Muslim masses. Only the elite benifted. It is important to note that though communal hysteria is created in the masses but it benefits politically and economically only the elite of the community. The masses are ultimately left high and dry. Masses are made to believe that the movement is for them and they often sacrifice their lives under that illusion. After the hysteria they realise that they were used as an instrument.
When I was investigating the Ahmedabad riots of 1981, which deeply affected the dalits too, some dalit leaders told me that now we have understood the game of the BJP and they use us as instruments for their politics. Now we will refuse to become their hatha (instrument) and kill Muslims. But communal politics is quite heady and these poor dalits again became their instrument in 1992 and 2002.
The late eighties saw communal politics at its height in India. The BJP which had adopted sober programme in 1980 (of secularism and Gandhian socialism) lost 1984 elections very badly and could get as less as two seats in Parliament. Then the BJP began to play communal game with a vengeance and by 1990 created a hysteria among the Hindu masses (especially the OBCs and Dalits) on the issue of Ram temple. The slogan mandir wahin banaenge (we will construct Ram temple there only i.e. at the site of Babri Masjid) successfully created mass hysteria along the Hindus and a sense of great insecurity among Muslims.
The BJP began to touch new heights, especially in the Hindi heartland in 1990 when L.K.Advani took out Rath Yatra for arousing mass hysteria among the Hindus. Many secularists had then pointed out that the Rath Yatra was undertaken to counter the promulgation of the implementation of Mandal Commission as its implementation had created great enthusiasm among the lower caste Hindus and they were going to lend massive support to Mr. V.P. Singh, the then Prime Minister and the BJP wanted to win over these low caste Hindus. The BJP had no economic or welfare programme for them which V.P. Singh had so it played the mandir card to create mass hysteria among them.
You need an 'other' and particularly a 'religious other' against whom such a hysteria can be created. For Muslim League it was the Hindu and for the BJP the Muslim. Muslims were transformed into an enemy, which need to be attacked. Muslims were projected as descendents of Babar who was an invader and so the slogan babar ki aulad jao Pakistan aur Qabrastan (O! children of Babar go to Pakistan or to qabrastan). Muslims could be easily targeted as there is long history behind that and so it was easy to create a mass hysteria against them.
Mr. L.K. Advani became an instant hero and wherever he went during his rath yatra he attracted large number of people. And not only Advani but also other leaders like Sadhvi Rithambara and Uma Bharti who became star attraction as they spewed poison against Muslims and Rithambara did in even sexually suggestive language. Also, there was back ground to it. The people of India were tired of long Congress role and the Congress leaders became synonymous with corruption and Mr. Advani and others projected the Congress as a "party with a difference", a clean party which could provide alternative to the Congress misrule. And Muslims were projected as the "pampered minority and responsible for keeping the Congress in power.
Thus Muslims could be doubly targeted in creating a mass hysteria. They were children of those who demolished their temples, particularly the Ram temple at Ayodhya and those who were responsible for keeping the corrupt Congress in power. The BJP thus came to power though with the help of other 'secular' allies. And now mass hysteria began to recede as it happened in the case of Muslim League in Pakistan.
Now the BJP had to face hard realities of ruling over the country. Neither it could do anything for constructing the temple nor it could maintain its party with a difference" which it had so assiduously projected. The mass hysteria was over and hard realities were staring in its face. Also being in coalition it had to follow the coalition dharma (coalition religion) and it could not afford to antagonise its 'secular' partners. Thus it could neither satisfy its extremist friends among Hindutvawadis, nor could it satisfy its secular friends and supporters. It could not deliver on any front.
Sometimes it had to boost up its extremist image and some times its moderate one. The extremists became more extremists creating un-resolvable dilemmas. The VHP wanted temple to be constructed and BJP would not only loose its other allies but would also defy constitutional provisions by defying law courts, if it at all tried to construct the Ram Temple. Caught in this dilemma the BJP fast lost its image even as a Hindutva party, let alone a party with clean image. The media exposed several scandals of corruption.
The communal forces succeed in raising such mass hysteria but soon get thoroughly discredited and no amount of efforts can revive them. The people feel cheated by them and they loose all support and even begun to disintegrate. The BJP is facing similar dilemma today. Mr. Advani, who was the main architect of BJP's image building is being asked to quit his job as the President of that party. His exit is really disgraceful for him. The RSS and VHP hotheads are extracting their pound of flesh. Advani's remarks about Jinnah's secularism can hardly be swallowed by extremists. They do not think; they only believe in some dogmas and for them Jinnah is a villain in toto and cannot be thought of otherwise. But that is not the only reason for Advani's exit. But the Jinnah controversy provided an excuse which the Sangh Parivar was looking for.
Mr. Narendra Modi's fate is no different either. He also used the technique of mass hysteria to win the Gujarat assembly elections with two-third majority. The whole Sangh Parivar celebrated his victory and Modi began to be projected as a role model for entire Parivar. The young leaders of Sangh Parivar even said that we have found a model for winning elections (i.e. massacre minorities, create hysteria and win elections) and we will use this model to win elections in other states.
But soon they were in for a shock. Let alone others Narendra Modi began to loose his following among his own Party members. The mass hysteria soon evaporated and Narendra Modi's dictatorial ways alienated his followers. The dissidents from his party are now demanding his resignation or removal from the chief ministership of Gujarat. His communal oratorical skills are of no help to him. So far he has been protected by Shri L.K.Advani but now Mr. Advani himself is in serious trouble.
Thus from great hero Modi is fast sliding towards political oblivion. People like Advani or Narendra Modi have nothing to be proud of nor will they ever be remembered for any positive contribution towards greatness of India. If anything they will be remembered for causing deaths of hundreds of innocent people through their provocative speeches. Even Shri A.B. Vajpayee is not likely to go down in history as a sober statesman though he aspires to be one. He failed to show courage of conviction to take action against Narendra Modi when he was provoking carnage against minorities.
The fate of Shiv Sena, another communal outfit from Maharashtra is no different. It once proudly claimed to be the only genuine Hindutvawadi party and Bal Thackeray even claimed publicly that his boys struck first blow at Babri Masjid. Today Shiv Sena is in deep trouble. It also came to power by trashing minorities and was responsible for Mumbai riots of 1992-93 which had, like the Gujarat riots of 2002, had shaken the conscience of the whole nation.
Bal Thackeray's hold on the Marathi people has been seriously weakened. His followers whom he took great pride in, are deserting him. It is a sinking ship now. Its vote base is being fast eroded. It may soon find itself on the margins of Maharashtra politics. Its strong holds are crumbling.
Thus it will be seen that o political party can survive on communal fare for long. Like a heady wine it goes up fast but then declines even faster. Such parties do not have any base or even ideals to claim people's support. Hate politics has serious limitations.

Post-Guj riots, Bal Thackeray saved Modi from sack

 Post-Guj riots, Bal Thackeray saved Modi from sack


Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray has said he prevailed on BJP leader L K Advani not to remove Narendra Modi from the chief ministerial chair in Gujarat after the Godhra riots.
"Modi gaya to Gujarat gaya (If Modi is gone, Gujarat will also slip out of BJP hands)," Thackeray claimed as telling Advani at the Mayor's bungalow in Mumbai.
"There were hectic moves to remove Modi from the post after the Godhra riots. We clearly told Advani that Gujarat will be lost if Modi is removed," Thackeray in an editorial in the Sena mouthpiece 'Saamana' said on Wednesday.
Thackeray also objected to BJP general secretary Gopinath Munde equating Modi's leadership with that of his late brother-in-law Pramod Mahajan. "Why compare Mahajan and Modi?” he asked.
"BJP is not going to get another Mahajan and his absence would always be felt by the party," Thackeray said.
Thackeray's comments came amid strain in the Sena-BJP ties and a day after media reported that Advani's desire to meet Bal Thackeray on Tuesday could not materialise.
Advani was in Mumbai on Tuesday to attend a function where he was given Rs 11 crore for the election fund by the city BJP unit.

Anna Replies To Bal Thackeray, I Had Sent 3 Shiv Sena Ministers Packing

Anna Replies To Bal Thackeray, I Had Sent 3 Shiv Sena Ministers Packing
Anti-corruption crusader Anna Hazare today gave a firm response to Shiv Sena supremo Bal Thackeray's criticism reminding him that three Shiv Sena ministers were "sent home packing" after he sat on fast. Hazare said, "I respect him because of his age. Because of old age, he is saying whatever suits him. Earlier too, he (Bal Thackeray) withdrew his statements against me thrice. I don't have any personal issue with him. "

Congressman sues Bal Thackeray on 'Saamana scoops'

Mumbai: Mumbai Congress president Kripashankar Singh, who has slapped a legal notice on Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray for publishing 'defamatory' articles against him in Sena mouthpiece 'Saamana'.
Kripashankar has written to the Sena chief offering to exchange properties.
"Balasaheb, you and your newspaper are publishing unsubstantiated facts about me and my family's property. Whatever properties you allege that I own, you are free to take. Whatever properties you and your family members actually own, please give those to me in return," Singh's letter said.
Singh has also threatened Thackeray with a civil suit to claim compensation of Rs 10 crore, spokesperson of Mumbai Congress Kishore Joshi said.
'Saamana' has been publishing a series of articles against Singh, disclosing the details of his alleged movable and immovable property and alleged irregularities committed by him.
The legal notice said news reports were published with the intention of gaining political mileage. It has said that apart from Thackeray,..

Mumbai riots: Deshmukh says no proof against Bal Thackeray

At a time when individuals and organisations are seeking implementation of the Srikrishna Commission report on the 1992-93 Mumbai riots and demanding action against those behind the riots, Maharashtra Chief Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh has given a clean chit to Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray, saying there is no evidence against him.
“There is a reference to Balasaheb Thackeray (in the Srikrishna report), but there is no evidence (against him),” Deshmukh told The Indian Express while speaking on his government’s three years in office. “We can’t make out cases just like that. We have to go by legal advice. Deposition with a commission of inquiry is not admissible in a court of law.”
On Bal Thackeray and the Shiv Sena, the Srikrishna Commission had this to say: “There is no doubt that the Shiv Sena and the Shiv Sainiks took lead in organising attacks on Muslims and their properties, from the level of Shakha Pramukhs to Shiv Sena Pramukh Bal Thackeray, who like a veteran general, commanded his loyal Shiv Sainiks to retaliate by organised attacks against Muslims.”
According to Deshmukh, even Shiv Sena leader Madhukar Sarpotdar, booked for his alleged role in the riots, had been acquitted. “When I took over the reins of the state (during his first stint as CM from 1999 to 2003), we had formed a special task force to examine the cases and send them to court... it takes time. We were required to work afresh on these cases with a view to collect clinching evidence.”
He said while that the commission took five years to complete the inquiry and the Sena-BJP government (from 1995 to 1999) had cast aside the report, his government had been instrumental in reviving the matter. He reiterated that his government was committed to take action as per recommendations of the report and would do everything possible to bring the culprits to book.
The Deshmukh government had appointed a committee to examine cases registered with the commission. The panel recommended 32 most serious cases for trial by special courts. Four special courts were appointed by the High Court last week on the request of the state.

SRI KRISHNA COMMISSION REPORT


MONTHLY    *    Vol 12-09 No:141    *   SEPTEMBER 1998/ JAMADI-UL-AWWAL 1419H email: editor@islamicvoice.com 

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SRI KRISHNA
COMMISSION REPORT

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Srikrishna Commission Report
Demand for the Implementation of Srikrishna Commission Report
Minority Groups on Srikrishna Report


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Srikrishna Commission Report
By M. Hanif Lakdawala
One of the parameters to judge a civilized society is its impartial judiciary and application of law equally to one and all, no innocent being punished and none of the guilty, howsoever high and mighty, spared.

The family members of 1,500 people killed, 1,829 injured and 165 missing in the gruesome riots of December 1992, and January 1993 in Mumbai are denied justice till this date. A society which denies justice to its citizens cannot be called just and civilized.

Setting up commissions of inquiry is a knee-jerk response by those in authority whenever they anticipate a building-up of public outrage. The public in turn has become cynical of these commissions and their reports.

In the case of B.N. Srikrishna commission report, however, the citizens cannot afford to be cynical. The psyche of the city after the 1992-1993 riots had been ruptured. Mumbai, till then a land of opportunity and amity between the different strata of the society, turned out to be a requiem for a voice of sanity and peaceful co-existence, after the riots.

Inspite of the Shiv-Sena Government's efforts-to, first put the report in cold storage, then a shameful act of maligning the character of an honest and an upright judge by playing communal card, the truth has come out in open exposing the perpetrators of the holocaust to public scrutiny.

The commission has submitted its report in two volumes. The first consists of seven chapters, covering the background leading to the riots of December 1992 and January 1993 and gives its finding and recommendations commensurate with its terms and reference.

Volume II of the report discusses the evidential nuances and detailed narration of events, in respect to 26 police stations under the jurisdiction of the Mumbai Police Commissionerate.

Besides, it contains the analysis of the statements by political leaders, journalists and certain police officers.

Displaying exemplary courage, justice B.N. Srikrishna has produced a report that is unflinching in its conclusion that it has implicated the Shivsena and its leadership in the Mumbai riots of 1992-93. The report has squarely blamed Shivsena supremo Bal Thackeray, who commanded his loyal Shiv Sainiks to retaliate by organised attacks against Muslims.

Equally important was the Srikrishna's report's indictment of the Chief Minister, Mr. Manohar Joshi, and M.P. Mr. Madhukar Sarotdar for their defence of the sort of incendiary propaganda that ignited the riots of January 1993 in their exposition of a "doctrine of retaliation" suggesting the "Shivsena's terror" was the "true guarantee of the safety of citizens".

As expected, justice B.N. Srikrishna does not spare the Congress for its "vacillation", "effete political leadership", and for allowing factional feuds to fuel the mayhem that tore Mumbai's social fabric asunder. Both Mr. Sharad Pawar, the then defence minister and his adversary, Mr. Sudhakarrao Naik, the Chief Minister, are hauled up in the report.

Justice Srikrishna had a detailed analysis of police role during the 1992-93 riots. In his report he has indicted 15 police officers including then joint commissioner of police R.D. Tyagi, and 16 police constables for their 'delinquency' during the riots.

The commission has traced the roots of the riots to L.K. Advani's Rathyatra and the celebration of the demolition of Babri Masjid by some Hindus. The commission has taken exception to certain slogans like "mandir vahee-banayenge" and "Is desh mein rehana hoga to Vande Mataram Khana hoga".

For the riot's victims, the Srikrishna commission has held a significance that goes beyond the merely therapeutic. It remains the last hope of a traumatised populace for settling the record straight, for identifying loopholes in the administration and above all, for securing justice.

Of the Maharashtra government's logic of 'Let bygones be by gones', justice Srikrishna opines that, "By that logic, you would have to scrap the entire criminal law. It is based on the theory of retribution -identify the criminal and punish him. As a judge it is my duty to see that the guilty are punished. If a judge says, "Let bygones be bygones", he is abdicating his responsibility."

British, Jurist Sir Cyril Salmon, in a lecture on 'Tribunals of inquiry' had observed that in all countries, certainly in those which enjoy freedom of speech and free press, moments occur .. causing a nation-wide crisis of confidence in the integrity of public life.. when it does, it is essential that public confidence should be restored, for without it no democracy can long survive.. " Indisputably, the Mumbai riots of 1992-93 constituted such a moment.

There is a conspicuous tendency within political and official circles to minimise the scale of the murder, mayhem, arson and sheer human suffering in the riotous anarchy which convulsed Mumbai during 1992-93 communal riots.

Regrettably, most of the criminal cases lodged during the riots by the police were abruptly closed pending the commission's report. Action against errant police officers was also withheld on the same grounds. Justice Srikrishna, has now said that the time has come for "retribution" and for the guilty to be exposed.

Laxity in enforcing the writ of the law and meting out the punishment prescribed by the law will send out all the wrong signals to both law-breakers and law enforcers all over the country.

Yet it needs to be re-emphasised that the enforcement of the law and due process is almost entirely depending upon the pressure of public opinion, because given half a chance, politicians and policemen-who one can safely assume are guilty of dereliction of duty, if not worse-will scuttle or ignore the commission's recommendations. It is for the people of this great country to build up enough pressure through peaceful means to ensure that justice is not only done but also seen to be done.

The irony is that the individuals and the party accused of committing the crime are in power. It is up to them to act upon the recommendations of the Srikrishna commission and punish the guilty. The Sena-BJP alliance government, instead of making expiation for their sins, is busy offering oblations and paying obeisance to their Chief Bal Thackeray.

Democracy means the ruler must serve the interest of citizens. In a republic, there are no divine rights. To preserve the pluralistic nature of our social and political order, and by that same token, ensure that fanatics, irrespective of their religious affiliations, are kept on a tight leash, can only be achieved through providing justice to all, at any cost. Only justice can act as an anodyne for our fractured social fabric.


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Demand for the Implementation of Srikrishna Commission Report
Prof. Dr. Mumtaz Ali Khan
Srikrishna Commission Report is a well argued, well evidenced and thought-provoking document produced by Justice Srikrishna, a God fearing, socially sensitive and judiciously conscious judge of the High Court of Mumbai. The Commission was set up primarily to look into the causes, courses and consequences of the riots which disfigured the fair image of the cosmopolitan city of Mumbai in December 1992 and January 1993. This commission was set up by the Congress government in Maharashtra. The Report was submitted to the present BJP-Shiva Sena combined government of Maharashtra.

This Report which was reluctantly laid on the table of the houses of Maharashtra Legislature has become a controversial one. It is equally significant as it contains many pertinent sociological inputs. It exposes the deeply poisoned mind and foul hands of some activists of BJP-Shiva Sena. It upholds the great social and moral values that the vast majority of Hindus have retained despite the riots initiated by some Muslims and Hindus. The tolerance preached by the broad philosophy of great sages and scriptures of the Hindus is now seen practised by a vast majority of them.

Let me analyse in brief the reactions of the press and people at large to the contents of the Report. What are the reactions of the various political parties? In general, as said earlier, the vast majority of the Hindu intellectuals have condemned the unruly behaviour of the Shiva Sena, namely Bal Thackeray, who alone is responsible for the well planned and executed attacks on the Muslims. The heavy losses in terms of both lives and properties are said to be unprecedented. All the political parties barring Shiva Sena BJP have outrightly condemned them and appreciated the commission. The press which reflects the realities of the society has condemned them. Thus, the Report of Srikrishna is accepted by the whole nation barring a microscopic section of the Hindu population.

The prejudice of Shiva Sena BJP is seen from the two decisions of the Maharashtra government run by Shiva Sena BJP. This government had dissolved the commission itself on frivolous grounds as it knew the music it had to face when the Report was out. It is only the great Atal Bihari Vajpayee during his first short lived tenure as the Prime Minister who asked the Maharashtra government to allow the commission to renew its work. Perhaps Shiva Sena might be cursing Vajpayee today.

The Report is simply rejected by the Shiva Sena BJP government on the ground that it is "Pro-Muslim and anti-Hindu". There cannot be anything more absurd and illogical than this. How can Srikrishna be pro-Muslim? It is true that his reasoning is virtually opposed to that of this combined ruling party. While the former is a judge free from biases and prejudices, the latter are just the opposite. While Srikrishna says that the main provocation for the Muslims was the demolition of Babri Masjid and this provocation was spontaneous, the Shiva Sena BJP rulers say that they have a different understanding of the genesis. It argues that the special civil code for the minorities, the reversal of the Supreme Court Judgment in Shah Bano Case, the Muslim opposition to the signing of Vande Mataram, the use of loud speakers for Namaz, honorarium granted for the Maulvis and the concessions given for the Haj pilgrims and so on are the real causes for the bitterness among the Hindus.

These feelings are confined to the BJP Siva Sena groups only and as such do not vouch for the entire Hindus. No other group or party has ever raised these issues so far. In fact, Muslims in general are not demanding subsidy for the Haj. Muslims want honest implementation of the various constitutional rights and safeguards for them. If they demand and if the government does it, how does this assume communal colour?

It is of great importance to point out what some great Hindus have said about this controversy. Mr. Tushar Gandhi, the great-grand-son of Mahatma Gandhi, the apostle of peace and harmony, filed a public interest writ petition in Mumbai High Court for directing the Maharashtra government and the Director General of Police to register Criminal cases against all those responsible for the 1992-93 riots. He has argued that the government cannot summarily dismiss the Report and the remarks made against Srikrishna are highly derogatory, contemptuous and unjustified.

Former Mumbai High Court Judge Justice H. Suresh has said "Srikrishna Report is a fair document and it was prepared on the evidence which was brought before justice Srikrishna. He has further said, (with reference to Bal Thackeray) "Today, even a former Prime-Minister like P.V. Narasimha Rao can be prosecuted, a former Chief Minister like Laloo Prasad Yadav can be prosecuted, US President Bill Clinton can be prosecuted". He means thereby why not Bal Thackeray be prosecuted.

In sum, if rule of law has to prevail, the Central government should dismiss the present Maharashtra Government, and ensure legal processes against the culprits not merely for the riots but also for insulting justice Srikrishna. The report and also the reactions of the secular Hindu leaders and the press should make Muslims in particular throughout the world realise that Hindus in general are the well-wishers of Muslims who are safe in their hands.


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Minority Groups on Srikrishna Report
By Andalib Akhter
NEW DELHI : At least 300 minority groups from Maharashtra have jointly petitioned the Supreme Court against the state government's rejection of the Srikrishna commission report finding on the 1992-93 Mumbai riots.

Named as "Action committee for the implementation of Srikrishna commission report" the petition filed on August 21, seeks a direction from the court to declare invalid, the Maharashtra government's, "memorandum of action to be taken" on Srikrishna report. By that memorandum, the state government had rejected the Srikrishna report and declared it as "biased".

The committee also appealed the supreme court to abolish the Article 3(4) of Inquiry Commission Act, which enables the government to reject the commission without any reason.

The action committee also seeks direction from the SC that the victims of Mumbai riots be given compensation as was done in case 1984 anti-Sikh riots.

Later addressing a press conference the spokesman of the Action Committee Mr. C.M. Ibrahim said the rejection of the commission report by the Maharashtra government was a unusual step.

He said by rejecting a report prepared by a judge of High Court and terming it biased the state government has insulted the judiciary.

By terming the report anti-Hindu, the state government wanted to give a communal colour to the issue.

Meanwhile Maharashtra Chief Minister Manohar Joshi on Aug 24 said here that he would prefer to resign than to take action against Bal Thackery and Shiv Sainks.


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Bombay Riots

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Bombay Riots usually refers to the riots in Mumbai, in December 1992 and January 1993, in which around 900 people died. An investigative commission was formed under Justice B.N. Srikrishna, but the recommendations of the Inquiry were not enforced.[1] The riots were followed by a retaliatory 12 March 1993 Bombay Bombings, perpetuated by Muslim criminal group[2] with alleged help of ganglord Dawood Ibrahim and his D-Company syndicate, in which 250 people, mostly Hindus, died.[2]
According to the SriKrishna report, the immediate causes of the communal riots on 6 December 1992 were: (a) the demolition of Babri Masjid, (b) the aggravation of Muslim sentiments by the Hindus with their celebration rallies and (c) the insensitive and harsh approach of the police while handling the protesting mobs which initially were not violent.[3]

Contents

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[edit] History

The riots started as a result of communal tension prevailing in the city after the Babri Mosque demolition on 6 December 1992. This was followed by celebratory processions by Shiv Sena and BJP activists and targeting of Muslim localities. It is commonly believed that the riots occurred in two phases. The first was mainly a Muslim backlash as a result of the Babri Masjid demolition in the week immediately succeeding 6 December 1992 led by Hindu hard-line elements in the city of Ayodhya.
The second phase was a Hindu backlash occurring as a result of the killings of Hindu Mathadi Kamgar (workers) by Muslims in Dongri (an area of South Bombay), stabbing of Hindus in Muslim majority areas and burning of six Hindus, including a physically handicapped girl in Radhabai Chawl. This phase occurred in January 1993, with most incidents reported between 6 January and 20 January. However, the Sri Krishna report categorically denied that there was a Hindu backlash on the stabbings and held that these were organized attacks by Shiv Sainiks against Muslim localities.[3]
The Report asserted that the communal passions of the Hindus were aroused to fever pitch by the inciting writings in print media, particularly Saamna and Navaakal which gave exaggerated accounts of the Mathadi murders and the Radhabai Chawl incident; rumours were floated that there were imminent attacks by Muslims using sophisticated arms. These factors impelled some of the irresponsible and hot–headed Hindu elements to take to violence. From 8 January 1993 at least there is no doubt that the Shiv Sena and Shiv Sainiks took the lead in organizing attacks on Muslims and their properties under the guidance of several leaders of the Shiv Sena from the level of Shakha Pramukh to the Shiv Sena Pramukh Bal Thackeray who, like a veteran General, commanded his loyal Shiv Sainiks to retaliate by organised attacks against Muslims. The communal violence and rioting triggered off by the Shiv Sena was hijacked by local criminal elements who saw in it an opportunity to make quick gains. By the time the Shiv Sena realized that enough had been done by way of "retaliation", the violence and rioting was beyond the control of its leaders who had to issue an appeal to put an end to it.[3]

[edit] The events listed by SriKrishna commission

[edit] 6 December 1992

i) News of demolition of Babri Masjid spread by 1430 hours on 6 December 1992. The cry of danger to Islam reverberated in the air. The Muslim fundamentalists seized this opportunity to aggressively propagate that Islam was in imminent danger since proponents of the Hindu nation had been allowed a free hand to destroy, in broad day light, under the very nose of the armed forces, the Babri Masjid, a standing symbol of Islam, despite assurances and undertakings by the Uttar Pradesh state Government and the Government of India that no harm would be permitted to be caused to the Babri Masjid during kar seva at Ayodhya on 6 December 1992. The repeated media coverage, particularly on television, of footage of file pictures of previous kar seva during which some of the misguided kar sevaks were seen dancing on the dome of the Masjid, as well as the latest video shots showing actual demolition of the Babri Masjid, caused a sense of deep resentment, frustration and anger in the Muslims. The ready explosive mixture was ignited by the demolition of Babri Masjid which provided the spark of ignition. The sight of large contingent of armed constabulary and Central and state para–military forces standing mutely without raising a finger to protect the mosque being pulled down and the fact that some of them were even seen to be gleeful over the said fact, caused deep hurt to the Muslims.
ii) There were Hindutva parties that celebrated the demolition of Babri structure. The Muslims protested, and protested angrily on the streets. Large number of Muslims congregated near Minara Masjid in Pydhonie jurisdiction at about 2320 hours on 6 December 1992 and came out protesting. The peaceful protest turned into a violent demonstration, during which the first targets of the anger of the mob became the municipal vans and the constabulary, both visible signs of the establishment.
iii) Activists of Bharatiya Janata Party and Shiv Sena jumped into the fray, and escalated communal passion, as seen from their act of stopping the vehicles on roads in the jurisdiction of V.P. Road Police Station.
iv) In Nirmal Nagar jurisdiction, a Ganesh idol in the Ganesh Mandir on Anant Kanekar Marg was found decapitated and moved out from its place of installation though the lock on the grill surrounding the sanctum sanctorum was found intact. This was noticed at about 2345 hours. Though at the time the incident happened there were no immediate clues as to the identity of the miscreants, it was widely suspected that Muslims fanatics were behind it.
v) In the jurisdiction of Deonar, there was a sharp counter–reaction by Muslims who stoned the house of a local Bharatiya Janata Party leader. The situation was getting uglier with attacks on Hindu temples in this area.

[edit] 7 December 1992

i) From 7 December 1992 onwards there was a qualitative transformation in the situation. Large mobs of Muslims came on the streets and there was recourse taken to violence without doubt. The Muslim mobs appeared to have come out with the intention of mounting violent attacks as noticed from their preparedness with weapons of offence. There were violent attacks on the policemen in Muslim dominated areas like Bhendi Bazar and its vicinity. The jurisdictional areas affected were mostly Muslim dominated or mixed localities in which Hindu youths aggravated the situation by engaging the rioting Muslims, leading to a situation where the police found it difficult to restrain both sections; when the police did it by force, the police came to be attacked by both Hindu and Muslim mobs.
ii) By this time the protest had degenerated into a full–scale communal riot between Hindus and Muslims. Eleven temples in different jurisdictions were damaged, demolished or set on fire. The Hindus did not fall behind and damaged mosques and madrassas in different jurisdictions. BEST buses in the Bombay Central Bus Depot and BEST bus stops became easy targets for the Muslim mobs and were damaged and/or set on fire.
iii) Two Constables in Deonar jurisdiction were killed with choppers and swords by the rampaging Muslims. While one lay on the ground bleeding to death, the body of another was dragged and thrown into the garbage heap from where it was recovered seven days later. One constable was done to death in Byculla jurisdiction. Several police officers and policemen who bravely attempted to stem the tide sustained injuries in mob action.
iv) Jogeshwari area, which has been the hotbed of frequent communal riots saw serious riots at the junction of Pascal Colony and Shankar Wadi. A police officer on duty received a bullet injury in his head and died subsequently, though it cannot be said with certitude that it was a case of private firing. The police recovered large number of iron rods, sickles, choppers, knives and soda water bottles from different jurisdictions indicating that there was intention and preparations to carry on the communal riots.
v) Though the police found their resources stretched, they were unwilling to take the help of army for carrying out operational duties. Army columns were used only to carry out flag marches which had little impact on the, by now hardened and emboldened, rioters. The imposition of curfew from the night of 7 December 1992 also did not appear to deter the clashing mobs in view of its effete enforcement. Police intervention came about by resort to fire on 72 occasions, killing 20 Hindus and 72 Muslims and injuring 131 Muslims and one other.

[edit] 8 December 1992

i) On 8 December 1992 communal rioting and communal violence spread to 33 jurisdictions, the number of clashes of rioting mobs with police as well as rioting mobs inter se increased alarmingly. Attacks on places of worship also continued.
ii) The police had to resort to firing in 43 cases resulting in the death of 21 Hindus, 31 Muslims and three others. There were several cases of mob violence, stabbing and arson. One temple in Dharavi, four in Deonar, one in Park Site and one in Saki Naka were attacked. Simultaneously, two mosques in Dharavi, one madrassas in Mahim and Bhoiwada each and one dargah in Dadar were also attacked.

[edit] 9 December 1992

i) The situation improved for better and the number of cases of mob violence, stabbing, arson and rioting showed a downward trend. The number of occasions when the police had to resort to firing dropped to 28. The police firing resulted in deaths of 17 persons (five Hindus and 12 Muslims) while 13 Hindus, 12 Muslims and six others sustained injuries. Thirty–four cases of arson resulting in loss of property and injuries to one Hindu and 10 Muslims were reported from different jurisdictions. Two temples in Ghatkopar, one mosque in Trombay and one kabrastan in Jogeshwari were subjected to attack by violent mobs.

[edit] 10 December 1992

i) The situation improved further with the number of police stations affected coming down to four, though serious communal riots occurred in Dharavi and Mahim police jurisdictions to control which the police had to fire on three and two occasions respectively. Two Muslims were injured in police firing within the jurisdiction of Mahim.

[edit] 11 December 1992

i) On this day there was one case of private firing in Azad Maidan jurisdiction in which one Hindu died and four Hindus were injured. However, there was further improvement in overall situation. There was no occasion for police to resort to firing, though 23 different police stations appear to have been affected in varying degrees.

[edit] 12 December 1992

i) The situation showed further improvement and the number of police stations affected came down to 14, though there also the occurrences were stray. There were three instances of police firing, one each in Ghatkopar, Bhandup and Dindoshi in which one Hindu and one Muslim were injured. Mob violence took the toll of one Hindu's life. There were six cases of stabbing in which seven Hindus and two Muslims died and two Hindus and one Muslim sustained injuries. There were eight stray cases of arson.
1.4 December phase of the rioting petered out by 12 December 1992. The police appeared to have regained grip on the law and order situation and peace appeared to have returned. However, behind the surface there was simmering discontent and seething anger amongst the Muslims that unduly excessive police firing had resulted in large number of Muslim casualties. Media had criticized the police for having used unnecessary and excessive fire–power, going so far as to suggest that Muslims were intentionally targeted and selectively killed. This refrain was repeated by political leaders and ministers, past and current. The explanation of the commissioner of police that the aggressive and violent mobs in the initial stages comprised Muslims and,
Therefore, Muslim casualties were higher, does not appear to be as far-fetched as it has been made out by Muslims, nor can it be dismissed offhand. Despite standing instructions to police that the firing should be effective and directed below the waist, there were number of cases in which the victims, mostly Muslims, appear to have sustained injuries above the waist, leading to death. This per se is not suggestive of deliberate firing and wanton killing on the part of police.
The explanation of police is two–fold. Firstly, that rioters in a mob are moving targets and second, firing under attack from a frenzied mob, unlike target practice, is fraught with errors of judgment. Even a fractional error in the angle of ejection could mean drastic change in the trajectory of the projectile and wide variance in the point of impact. This explanation is not so improbable as to be rejected outright. The possibility of some of the rioters ducking to escape becoming targets and in the bargain taking the bullets in the upper regions of their body is not too remote for consideration.
1.5 Considering it from all aspects, the Commission is not inclined to give serious credence to the theory that dis–proportionately large number of Muslim deaths in December 1992 was necessarily indicative of an attempt on the part of the police to target and liquidate Muslims because of bias.
1.6 The Commission is of the view that there is evidence of police bias against Muslims which has manifested itself in other ways like the harsh treatment given to them, failure to register even cognizable offences by Muslim complainants and the indecent haste shown in classifying offences registered in "A" summary in cases where Muslim complainants had specifically indicated the names and even addresses of the miscreants. That there was a general bias against the Muslims in the minds of the average policemen which was evident in the way they dealt with the Muslims, is accepted by the officer of the rank of Additional Commissioner, V.N. Deshmukh. This general police bias against Muslims crystallizes itself in action during January 1993.

[edit] 12 December 1992 to 5 January 1993

i) On 20 December 1992 two Muslims were locked inside a room and the room was set on fire in Goregaon jurisdiction as a result of which they suffered severe burns resulting in the death of one.
ii) On 24/25 December 1992 one Mathadi worker was killed in Dongri area. Though subsequent investigation by police resulted in arrest of the accused who was an alcoholic and whose motive was far from communal, at the material time the immediate reaction was that the killing was done by a Muslim.
iii) The fires under the simmering cauldron were continuously stoked by communal activities even after the active phase of the December 1992 riots was over. There was a sudden spurt in attendance at Friday namaaz in mosques, which was interpreted by the Hindu fanatics as ominous and evidencing intent to seek revenge on the part of Muslims. The Hindus replied with their ingenious Mahaartis, ostensibly to protest against the namaaz on streets and calling of azaans from mosques, though both were going on for years and were, perhaps, no more than minor irritants. The Mahaartis were started from 26 December 1992 and kept adding to the communal tension and endangering the fragile peace which had been established. Some of the Mahaartis were later used as occasions for delivering communally inciting speeches and the crowds dispersing from the Mahaarti indulged in damage, looting and arson of Muslim establishments in the vicinity and on their way. The Mahaartis continued unabated throughout January 1993 and came to an end only by or about the first week of February 1993.
iv) The last week of December 1992 and first week of January 1993, particularly between 1 and 5 January, saw a series of stabbing incidents in which both Hindus and Muslims were victims, though the majority of such incidents took place in Muslim dominated areas of South Bombay and a majority of victims were Hindus. The stabbings appeared to be executed with professional accuracy intended to kill the victims. The killers had not been then identified in several cases, though it was presumed, at least in the cases where the Hindus were victims, that the killers were Muslims. The motive for the stabbings appears to have been to whip up communal frenzy between Hindus and Muslims.
Some of the Muslim criminal elements operating in South Bombay, like Salim Rampuri and Firoz Konkani, have been identified as the brains behind the stabbing incidents. That they were criminals was underplayed by Hindus; that they were Muslims was all that mattered, and a cry went up that the Muslims were bent upon a second round of riots.
v) On 1 January 1993 there was an article in Saamna under the caption "Hindunni Akramak Vhayala Have", openly inciting Hindus to violence.
vi) On 2 January 1993 a number of Muslim hutments in M.P. Mill Compound in Tardeo jurisdiction were set on fire. On the same day there was an incident in Dharavi jurisdiction in which two Muslims were assaulted with iron rods by Hindus.
vii) On 3 January 1993 there was an attack on a Muslim in Dharavi jurisdiction with a knife. On the same day, several persons claiming to be officials of MHADA, and alleged to be Shiv Sainiks, went around Pratiksha Nagar in Antop Hill jurisdiction surveying the residences of Muslims there.
viii) On 4 January 1993 a big mob of Hindus led by Shri Gajanan Kirtikar, Shri Ramesh More and other Shiv Sena activists took a morcha to the Jogeshwari Police Station complaining of lack of security for Hindus. Some of the people in the morcha attacked Chacha Nagar Masjid and the Muslims in the vicinity and injured them. Several Muslim huts in Magdum Nagar in Mahim jurisdiction were set on fire by Hindus.
ix) On the night of 5 January 1993 a Mathadi worker employed in the godown of Vijay Transport Company who was sleeping in the godown went to the street to relieve himself. Suddenly, he was set upon by miscreants who stabbed him to death. Three more Mathadi workers who came out of the godown to help him were also stabbed to death. The murders of the Mathadi workers created tremendous tension in the area. The Mathadi workers' Union called for a Bandh. Huge meetings were held which were addressed by leaders of Mathadi Unions. Speeches were made during this meeting to condemn the police and Government for their ineffectiveness with exhortations that Hindus might have to pick up swords to defend themselves if the police failed to protect them. At the time when these murders of Mathadi workers took place, neither the police, nor the public, had a clue as to the identity of the killers, which came to be established much later. Nonetheless, the Hindus spearheaded by the Shiv Sena kicked up a furore that the murders had been committed by Muslims, virtually giving a call for arms. On 5/6 January 1993 the Mathadi workers gave a call for bandh of wholesale markets, which also gave immense publicity to the murders of the mathadis allegedly by Muslims.

[edit] 6 January 1993 to 20 January 1993

i) On 6 January 1993 there were several cases of stabbing in Dongri, Pydhonie, V.P. Road and Nagpada jurisdictions in which the victims were innocent pedestrians who were stabbed after ascertaining their identity. Rumours of imminent attacks by Muslims swept the city and the police were unable to scotch them. Despite repeated denials of such rumours by the police, the public did not believe them. Cases of stabbing, arson, mob violence and attacks on private and Government properties occurred in Dongri, Pydhonie, V.P. Road, Nagpada, Tardeo, Mahim, Dharavi, Nirmal Nagar, Chembur and Kherwadi police stations. Most of the stabbing cases occurred in isolated lanes and bye–lanes and by the time police arrived on the scene, the miscreants would vanish. In all, 18 cases of stabbing were reported by the evening of this day of which eight were from Pydhonie, two from Dharavi, two from V.P. Road, two from Nagpada and one each from Nirmal Nagar, Kherwadi and Andheri. These stabbing cases resulted in one Hindu, one Muslim and two others being killed and 13 Hindus, one Muslim and one other being injured. Mob violence accounted for the deaths of seven Hindus and one Muslim and injuries to nine Hindus and eight Muslims.
ii) The situation in Mahim went out of control at 2100 hours. Hindus attacked Muslims in Muslim pockets in Mahim area led by Shiv Sena Corporator, Milind Vaidya, and a police constable, Sanjay Gawade, openly carrying a sword. There were serious riots in which frenzied mobs of Hindus and Muslims attacked each other.
Curtains went up for the second phase of the riots in the city.

[edit] 7 January 1993

i) The violence and riots spread to several parts of the city. There were more deaths and more stabbings and 16 police station areas (Pydhonie, Dongri, Agripada, Gamdevi, V.P. Road, Byculla, Bhoiwada, Nagpada, Kherwadi, Nehru Nagar, Kurla, Deonar, Trombay, Bandra, Vakola and Jogeshwari) were affected by serious riots. The stabbing incidents resulted in deaths of 16 Hindus and four Muslims and injured 41 Hindus and twelve Muslims. Eleven cases of mob violence occurred in different jurisdictional areas, killing two Hindus and injuring ten Hindus and two Muslims. Seven cases of arson were reported on that day in which, apart from huge property loss, two Hindus were killed; five Hindus and two Muslims were injured. A dargah in Pydhonie jurisdiction and another dargah in V.P.Road jurisdiction were attacked by Hindu mobs. The police resorted to firing on four occasions, resulting in injuries to 6 Hindus and 5 Muslims. Violent mobs of Hindus and Muslims kept attacking each other and the police when they tried to intervene. The mobs also created roadblocks to prevent the police and fire-brigade from reaching the sites of incidents for rendering assistance. A taxi in which two Muslims were travelling was set on fire in Pratiksha Nagar, Antop Hill jurisdiction, resulting in the two Muslims being burnt alive.

[edit] 8 January 1993

i) A gruesome incident occurred during the wee hours of 8 January 1993, at about 0030 hours, some of the Hindu residences in a chawl popularly known as Radhabai Chawl in Jogeshwari jurisdiction were locked from outside and set on fire by miscreants. One male and five female members of a Hindu family (Bane) and their neighbours were charred to death and three other Hindus sustained serious burn injuries. One of the victims was a handicapped girl.
ii) The Hindu "backlash" commenced. The communal riots spread to the jurisdictions of Pydhonie, Dongri, Jogeshwari, M.R.A. Marg, L.T. Marg, V.P. Road, D.B. Marg, Gamdevi, Nagpada, Agripada, Byculla, Kala Chowki, N.M. Joshi Marg, Worli, Bhoiwada, Dadar, Mahim, Dharavi, Kurla, Nehru Nagar, Trombay, Chembur, Bandra, Nirmal Nagar, Ghatkopar, Vikhroli, Parksite, Vakola, Oshiwara, D.N. Nagar, Jogeshwari and Aarey sub–police stations. Sixty–six stabbing cases were reported from different jurisdictions, in which 11 Hindus, 15 Muslims and two others were killed and injuries caused to several Hindus and Muslims. Forty–eight cases of mob violence occurred in which six Muslims were killed and 11 Hindus and 17 Muslims and one other received injuries. Thirty–one cases of arson were reported which, apart from causing loss of property, resulted in deaths of six Hindus and two Muslims and injuries to five Muslims and two Hindus. A dargah and mosque in Pydhonie jurisdiction, a kabrastan and a madrassa in Jogeshwari jurisdiction and a temple in Byculla jurisdiction were attacked and damaged. Police resorted to firing on 31 occasions in different jurisdictions resulting in the killing of nine Hindus and 18 Muslims and injuries to 20 Hindus and 24 Muslims and one other. Several raids conducted by the police resulted in seizure of weapons of offence like broken tube lights, swords, petrol bombs and daggers.
iii) That the rioters had become defiant and the authority of the police was considerably eroded, appeared clear when a crude bomb was hurled at the police commissioner's car from one of the buildings in Pydhonie jurisdiction and exploded on the road. The commissioner of police and his staff had a lucky escape, though the severity of the explosion caused a big dent on the road. Eleven army columns were deployed by the police to do Flag March in different areas. Curfew was imposed in areas where it was considered necessary.

[edit] 9 January 1993

i) The riots continued unabated in 43 police station jurisdictions. Fifty–seven cases of stabbing resulting in death of eight Hindus and 18 Muslims and injuries to 27 Hindus, 33 Muslims and one other, were reported. Ninety–seven cases of mob violence occurred in various parts of the city resulting in the death of one Hindu and six Muslims and injures to 19 Hindus and 24 Muslims. Seventy-three cases of arson were reported from different jurisdictions which caused loss of property, death of three Hindus and six Muslims and injures to four Hindus and six Muslims.
ii) The Shiv Sainiks mobilised themselves for retaliating against the Muslims. The shakhas in different jurisdictional areas turned into centres of local commands. The attacks on Muslims by the Shiv Sainiks were mounted with military precision, with list of establishments and voter's lists in hand.
iii) Police suspected terrorists to be holed up on the terrace of Suleman Usman Bakery in Pydhonie jurisdiction. Operation launched against the alleged terrorists by the Special Operation Squad (SOS) under the direction of joint commissioner of police, R.D. Tyagi, and extensive firing by the SOS resulted in deaths of nine Muslims. The police failed to apprehend even a single so–called terrorist, nor did they seize any fire–arms, sophisticated or otherwise, from which firing was done at them, as claimed.
iv) Fifty–two cases of police firing occurred in different jurisdictions, killing 15 Hindus, 22 Muslims and one other. Police combing operations resulted in seizure of stocks of swords, iron bars, choppers, kerosene cans, acid bulbs and soda water bottles from different areas.

[edit] 10 January 1993

i) Twenty–six army columns were deployed for carrying out flag marches and for the first time the Government issued instructions to the commissioner of police that the army personnel may be directed to do operational duties by resorting to firing after taking control of a situation. Fifty–one police stations were affected by the riots. Eighty–one cases of stabbing occurred in different jurisdictions resulting in deaths of 10 Hindus and 39 Muslims and injuries to 24 Hindus and 42 Muslims. One hundred and eight cases of arson occurred in which there was property loss, death of one Hindu, five Muslims and two others, while one Hindu, one Muslim and one other were injured. Attempts of the fire brigade to reach the places of fire were frustrated by the rioters who not only blocked the streets but also threatened the fire brigade staff and resorted to stone throwing against the fire brigade vehicles. Fires blazed uncontrolled.
Mob violence was reported from 25 jurisdictions causing deaths of two Hindus, nine Muslims, while 13 Hindus, 27 Muslims and two others were injured.
ii) The police were given orders to fire by B.C. Message No.454 dated 10 January 1993 at about 1140 hours and resorted to firing on 82 occasions, resulting in deaths of 22 Hindus, 23 Muslims and one other, while injuries were caused to 77 Hindus, 27 Muslims and two others. Police seized large number of swords, choppers, tube lights, fire balls, soda water bottles, iron bars, guptis and also one country made revolver. The situation was very grave in several jurisdictional areas. Even normally law-abiding citizens seemed gripped by the communal frenzy and were seen attacking members of the rival community. Peace committee members, politicians and other social workers were conspicuous by their absence. Communal hatred and fear psychosis appeared to have overtaken the citizens of Bombay making tolerance and reason prime casualties. Rumours about attacks from rival community swept the city.

[edit] 11 January 1993

i) The situation continued to be serious. Fifty–two police stations were affected by communal violence in varying degrees. Eighty–six cases of stabbing occurred in different jurisdictions resulting in the death of 11 Hindus, 44 Muslims and one other; 23 Hindus, 58 Muslims and one other were injured. Four Hindus, 19 Muslims and two others were killed in 129 incidents of mob violence in different jurisdictions. Ninety–three cases of arson in different jurisdictions resulted in the death of two Hindus and 12 Muslims and injuries to seven Muslims. Police firing on 67 occasions caused to deaths of 19 Hindus and seven Muslims and injuries to 45 Hindus, 21 Muslims and two others. The army column was used for operational duty in Dadar jurisdiction where it fired on a riotous mob of Hindus without causing any injuries.
ii) Police raids unearthed several swords, knives, choppers, kerosene bottles, acid bulbs, tube lights, one country made revolver and live cartridges.

[edit] 12 January 1993

i) A gruesome incident occurs in Devipada in Kasturba Marg jurisdiction. A Hindu mob surrounds, strips and assaults two Muslim women. The older woman manages to run away. The uncle of the younger woman who comes to rescue the young girl of 19, and that girl, are beaten and burnt alive by the violent mob. The names of the miscreants are disclosed to police by a Hindu lady in the locality. (Though the miscreants were arrested and tried by the Sessions Court at Bombay, later on they were all acquitted on the ground that the panchanamas were defective and that the eye–witnesses were not produced).
ii) Police resorted to firing on 31 occasions in different jurisdictions resulting in the deaths of four Hindus and six Muslims and injuries to 23 Hindus and seven Muslims. Fifty–six cases of stabbing occurred in different areas resulting in the deaths of three Hindus, 27 Muslims and injuries to 11 Hindus and 41 Muslims. Seventy–one cases of mob violence in different areas occurred in which one Hindu and six Muslims were killed; nine Hindus and 21 Muslims were injured. Seventy cases of arson were reported from different police stations, in which two Muslims were killed and one Muslim was injured.
iii) The army column, detailed to rescue a group of besieged Muslims in Antop Hill jurisdiction is attacked by a violent Hindu mob, resorts to firing to disperse the mob. Army column resorts to firing within the jurisdiction of Trombay jurisdiction against another rioting mob of Hindus killing one Hindu and injury to one.

[edit] 13 January 1993

i) The situation improves slightly in several areas; the number of affected police stations comes down to 48; stabbing cases to 36; mob violence to 67 and arson to 51. The police resort to firing on 24 occasions resulting in the killing of one Hindu and two Muslims and injuries to six Hindus and four Muslims. Mob violence takes a toll of the lives of three Muslims and injures eight Hindus and 18 Muslims. Stabbings cause the death of one Hindu and 16 Muslims, while eight Hindus and 10 Muslims and one other are injured. Arson kills five Muslims and two others and causes injuries to four Muslims, apart from destruction of property.

[edit] 14 January 1993

i) The situation shows substantial improvement. The number of affected police stations comes down to 40, the number of arson cases drops to 39, in which one Hindu and five Muslims were killed apart from loss to property; mob violence is reported only in 34 cases in which one Muslim and three others are killed and seven Muslims are injured; the police resort to firing only on four occasions in which no one is killed and two Hindus are injured. Stabbing cases resulted in death of four Hindus and 12 Muslims and three others, while seven Hindus, 12 Muslims and one other are injured. The deployment of army columns is increased to 35.

[edit] 15 January 1993

i) There is further improvement in the situation; the number of police stations affected comes down to 29; mob violence occurs only in 24 cases resulting in death of two Muslims and four Hindus and injuries to eight Muslims. The number of stabbing cases comes down to 12 in which one Hindu and 11 Muslims are killed and three Hindus and five Muslims are injured; the number of arson cases comes down to 25 in which there was only loss of property without death or injury to anyone. The police resort to firing only on two occasions which result in killing of three Muslims, one Hindu and injuries to 14 Muslims. Army column deployed at Nirmal Nagar resorts to firing to quell a riotous mob.
ii) The Prime Minister of India, Shri Narsimha Rao, makes a quick tour of the riot affected areas amidst heavy security arrangements.

[edit] 16 January 1993

i) The situation shows further improvement. Only 15 stray cases of stabbing are reported in which 12 Muslims are killed and injuries caused to eight Hindus and seven Muslims. Seven mob violence cases occur resulting in injury to one Muslim; 23 stray cases of arson are reported in different areas in which there is only property loss. Police firing comes down to two cases in which none is injured.

[edit] 17 January 1993

i) The situation seems to be improving for the better. There is no occasion for the police to resort to firing. Three cases of stabbing are reported from different areas in which one Hindu and two Muslims were injured; three minor cases of mob violence occur causing injuries to five Hindus and thirteen Muslims; and six minor cases of arson reported in which, apart from loss of property, one Muslim is killed and one Hindu is injured.

[edit] 18 January 1993

i) There was no occasion on which police resorted to firing on this day. There was one case of stabbing resulting in the killing of one Muslim, three minor cases of mob violence in which none was injured; five stray minor cases of arson were reported in which none was injured.

[edit] 19 January 1993

i) The city appears to be limping back to normalcy. Five stray cases of stabbing are reported in which one Muslim was killed and two Hindus and two Muslims were injured. Though nine stray cases of arson are reported, there was no loss of life or injury.

[edit] The period subsequent to 20 January 1993

i) From 20 January 1993 onwards
there was no major communal incident despite a few stray cases being reported. The rumour mills worked overtime and rumours about imminent attacks and explosions likely to occur were thick. Call was given out by Imam of Jama Masjid that Muslims should boycott the Republic Day and hoist black flags on their establishments and houses. Police maintained continued vigil along with the army and para–military forces.
ii) On 25 January 1993, there is a minor riot in Dharavi jurisdiction which is quickly controlled by police firing without any death or injury.
iii) 26 January 1993 passed off peacefully in all jurisdictions except Dindoshi where the police resorted to firing in which two Muslims were killed and three Muslims were injured; mob violence caused injuries to two policemen and two Muslims.
iv) During the subsequent period in January the situation in the city slowly comes back to normalcy.

[edit] Total number of deaths

Dead — 900 (575 Muslims, 275 Hindus, 45 unknown and 5 others). The causes for the deaths are police firing (356), stabbing (347), arson (91), mob action (80), private firing (22) and other causes (4).

[edit] Justice B.N. Srikrishna Commission

Justice Srikrishna, then a relatively junior Judge of the Bombay High Court, accepted the task of investigating the causes of the riots, something that many of his colleagues had turned down[citation needed]. For five years until 1998, he examined victims, witnesses and alleged perpetrators. Detractors came initially from left-secular quarters who were wary of a judge who was a devout and practicing Hindu.[4] The Commission was disbanded by the Shiv Sena led government in January 1996 and on public opposition was later reconstituted on 28 May 1996; though when it was reconstituted its terms of reference were extended to include the Mumbai bomb blasts that followed in March 1993.
The report of the commission stated that the tolerant and secular foundations of the city were holding even if a little shakily. Justice Srikrishna indicted those he alleged as largely responsible for the second phase of the bloodshed and to some extent the first, the Shiv Sena.
The report was criticized as “politically motivated”. For a while, its contents were a closely guarded secret and no copies were available. The Shiv Sena government rejected its recommendations. Since under the Commissions of Inquiry Act, an Inquiry is not a court of law (even if it conducts proceedings like a court of law) and the report of an inquiry is not binding on Governments, Srikrishna's recommendations cannot be directly enforced. To date, the recommendations of the Commission have neither been accepted nor acted upon by the Maharashtra Government.[citation needed] Many indicted policemen were promoted by the government and indicted politicians continue to hold high political office even today.[citation needed]
On 10 July 2008, a Mumbai court sentenced former Shiv Sena MP Madhukar Sarpotdar and two other party activists to a year's rigorous imprisonment in connection with the riots.[1] However, he was immediately granted bail.[5] He died on 20 February 2010 without serving his sentence.[6]

[edit] In film

The riots are portrayed in several different films. They form an important part of the plot of the film Bombay in which the protagonists, a Muslim wife and her Hindu husband, are separated from their children during the riots. The 2004 Hindi film Black Friday deals with the events leading to the riots and the aftermath which led to the 1993 Bombay bomb blasts, and related investigations, told through the different stories of the people involved — police, conspirators, victims, middlemen. The violence is also an instrumental part of the plot of the film Slumdog Millionaire. The protagonist, Jamal Malik's mother is among those killed in the riots, and he later remarks "If it wasn't for Rama and Allah, we'd still have a mother."[7] It was also shown in 2010 movie Striker, and another movie called Fiza